Joining the European Union is a dream for many young Moldovans. It is not just a dream but also an opportunity to escape your past and finally become a more developed, economically stable and attractive country to live in. However, the process of European consolidation rarely follows a linear trajectory, and for Moldova, even less so. Currently, its geopolitical situation is not the best due to the war in Ukraine, exposing the country to external pressure, both from Russia and Western powers. On this journey towards Europe, monsters emerge that personify the subversive forces in the transition phases: internal divisions, disinformation and external geopolitical interference. These monsters, fed daily by uncertainty and fear, try to shape the country’s destiny, which oscillates between the promise of a European future and the risk of stagnating in a past full of challenges and shadows.
A brief trip around the country immediately reveals that the greatest danger is the lingering shadow of homo sovieticus. This historical legacy, rooted in the Moldovan collective psyche, not only shapes national identity, but also becomes a manipulative agent. By being manipulated, the citizen learns and replicates these tactics, becoming an internal threat and, simultaneously, remaining vulnerable to external influences that seek to destabilize and undermine the European path.
This impact became evident in the referendum results, where almost half of the population hesitated to support EU integration. In the presidential elections, Maia Sandu, the current president and the most accomplished leader the country has ever had, obtained 42.45% of the votes, reflecting internal divisions and the discrepancy between the urban center vis-à-vis the rural one.
The salvation of the referendum was in the hands of the diaspora, who made a huge effort to vote. However, even the diaspora was frustrated with the slow pace of internal reforms and the slowness of the transformation process, also voting against. The internal division was further aggravated by Russian interference, which, through financial bribes, massive disinformation campaigns on social media and cyberattacks, manipulated local populations.
Despite the negative votes, many Moldovans are not necessarily against joining Europe, and their vote reflects more dissatisfaction with economic difficulties, both internally and in the diaspora, than a rejection of integration. In fact, due to the Russian-Ukrainian war, and the precariousness of the country, with meager pensions and a weakened economy, many older people had difficulty making a clear decision in the referendum. Internally, many of those who voted “no” also did so as a political protest, being disappointed with the management of Sandu’s team in government.
In this aspect, November 3rd is decisive for Maia Sandu. Despite believing that he will beat his main opponent, Alexandr Stoianoglu, the new term will not be easy. The way the referendum was organized and communicated reflects the flaws and infighting within his party. If you continue with the same team, you will be harmed in next year’s parliamentary elections and therefore, it would be pertinent to consider integrating other parties with a European vision into your new government, even if you do not agree with some of their positions. His political team failed and demonstrated a lack of commitment and respect for a population that has been constantly suffocated by the lack of economic and social conditions. On the other hand, Russian interference deserves to be highlighted, but it is not the only evil that afflicts the country. The elites who have been in power since the end of the Soviet Union, and who have been revitalized through their descendants, continue to govern under the aegis of a fragile democracy.
The perpetuation of these elites in power, many linked to the oligarchy, has maintained a rooted system of exploitation. Instead of protecting national interests, they feed, like insatiable monsters, on the country’s economic and social fabric, corroding public and private structures. European resources and funds are diverted instead of benefiting the population, keeping the country trapped in a cycle of poverty and dependence. This predatory and corrupt governance model prevents the development and emergence of new leadership, essential to building a more just and prosperous society.
In addition to internal exploitation, Moldovan political elites have manipulated external alliances to ensure their survival in power. Some defend integration into the European Union, while others prefer to cool relations with Russia and vice versa, creating an ambiguous policy that harms the country’s strategic alignment. By playing opportunistically with these actors, the elites maintain a logic of self-satisfaction that, since independence in the 90s, prevents the structural reforms necessary for sustainable growth.
In this context, we cannot attribute the results solely to external interference. Although Russian interference is a real and dangerous factor, it has been facilitated by the country’s structural vulnerability, compounded by socioeconomic difficulties. Look at the results of Transnistria It’s telling: despite being exposed to Russian propaganda and having limited access to reliable sources of information, the region appears more pro-European than several areas controlled by Chisinau authorities. This paradoxical fact requires more critical reflection.
To join the European Union, President Maia Sandu must approve reforms that renew political elites and transform the logic of governance, promoting a profound change of mentality in a polarized society. Without this, the monsters will gain more strength, threatening to devour any hope of a more prosperous future.
